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Unlike Sharon, when he immigrated to Israel in , he did not Hebraicize his name. Throughout his life, he self-identified as a Jew, not as an Israeli.

Gordis sees this as a way to view his later political decisions. Following the defeat of Nazi Germany, Begin continued to battle the British colonial forces. Once the British left, Begin was also instrumental in nearly causing the young state to lapse into civil war. This was because he belonged to Irgun, a radical Zionist group that refused to fully integrate with the nascent Israeli Defense Forces.

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But Begin's radicalism had been tempered by his experiences in Europe. These experiences included fighting for the Polish Army, surviving a Soviet prison camp, and having his parents die in the Holocaust. This made Begin sensitive to those who would seek to destroy the state of Israel. Unlike Ben-Gurion, Begin was not a Socialist. After the state of Israel was born in , Begin entered politics by forging alliances against the Labour majority.

Following decades of tenacious alliance building and relentless criticism, he attained the Prime Minister post in Three years later, after saving up some money, he brought his family over. Golda Meir never stepped foot in Kyiv again. Unlike Jabotinsky, Meir considered Symon Petliura as the main culprit behind the anti-Jewish pogroms in — in Ukraine, which she mentions in her book, My Life. In the Israeli government introduced the new Israeli shekel at a ratio of 1. Larger-denomination banknotes were also introduced.

In , when another round of pogroms began, he left Russia for Palestine, but returned five years later and settled in Odesa. In he saved himself from the pogroms a second time by going to Palestine, now with his family, including twelve-year-old Moshe. This time he remained for good in the Promised Land. Like the majority of the founding fathers of the nation of Israel, Moshe Shertok he changed his surname after the proclamation of independence , devoted many decades of his life to helping the Jews gain statehood.

Owing to his good education, fluency in eight languages, oratorical talent, and personal charisma, he served as a negotiator and intermediary. Sharett is not considered one of the most successful prime ministers. He lasted in his post only two years and lost to his predecessor and opponent, David Ben-Gurion.

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Nevertheless, this native of Kherson is regarded as the founder of Israeli diplomacy. His participation in the signing of the Declaration of Independence also went down in history. The obverse side of the banknote shows an image of the most famous school in Israel, the Herzliya Hebrew Gymnasium in Tel Aviv, from which Moshe Sharett graduated.

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The building was designed by Joseph Barsky, who moved here from Odesa in The shekel banknote has already been mentioned in an earlier article published in Istorychna pravda. Unlike the other heroes showcased in this article, the writer Shmuel Yosef Agnon formerly Czaczkes , who is depicted on this banknote, was not a native of the Russian Empire but Austro-Hungary. He was born in Buchach today: Ternopil oblast , and his father was from Chortkiv. For about a year Agnon lived in Lviv, from where the nineteen-year-old immigrated to Palestine.

The writer returned to Galicia now under Polish rule two times. Ukrainian was one of the languages in which Agnon was fluent since childhood. Several of his short stories have Ukrainian themes. The year was a triumphant one for both Agnon and Israeli literature. He became the first—and thus far the only—representative of the country to win the Nobel Prize for Literature.

He studied at the Poltava Gymnasium and Kyiv University.

Our people on their currency: Eight natives of Ukraine depicted on Israeli banknotes

In Poltava in the early s Shimshelevich engaged in the same kind of activities as his contemporary, Jabotinsky, in Odesa. He built up the Jewish political movement and organized anti-pogrom defense forces.


His family was arrested, but Isaak escaped and soon ended up in Palestine, where his forty-year-long path to achieving statehood began. One senses a man concerned with his final legacy, and perhaps this is the genesis of his latest project, a book about his mentor, the founding father and future first prime minister of Israel, David Ben-Gurion. Landau cleverly prints verbatim some of his interviews with Peres and presents them to be read in their entirety at the end of various chapters.

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These dialogues sometimes border on confrontational and allow us to hear for ourselves how Peres thinks. He seems, for the most part, a reasonable and practical man prone to compromise and negotiation. He is not a warrior like Sharon, or single-minded in his vision like Golda, or angry and self-righteous like Netanyahu. Rather, he seems Obama-like, a man who rejects ideological passion in favor of the bigger picture that is present at any given moment. Until very recently, this mentality has lost him favor among the Israeli public.

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Finally now, in his old age and in his role as President and elder statesman, his popularity has soared. Margalit wrote that the facts prove otherwise. He was also able to withdraw the army from Lebanon. Reliability means having an aura of authenticity which has much to do with toughness of manner.

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Shamir and Rabin are perceived as authentic, while Peres is perceived as slick. Peres himself has acknowledged that he has often been misunderstood. Life is full of contradictions. More than prime ministers direct reality, reality runs them. Whoever thought Sharon would dismantle settlements? One senses that had the Holocaust, and the Jewish persecution that preceded it, not ripped open his heart, he would have been satisfied to remain living in the city of his birth.

He studied Hebrew and immigrated to Palestine when he was only His father was a lumber merchant and his mother a librarian. He met his future wife on a kibbutz, and they would eventually raise three children. He has always claimed an affinity for the Bible that fuels his Jewish identity and reveals that his beloved grandfather Rabbi Zvi Meltzer studied Talmud with him when he was a young boy.

Ben-Gurion chose Peres to be his trusted aide when Peres was only He was soon assigned to be the director general of the Defense Ministry, from to Not only had the Allies failed to save them, not only had they failed to bomb the death camps or the railway lines, but British warships had kept the gates of Palestine shut to any Jews who managed to escape from the European hell. His conclusion was stark and unequivocal. We must have our independent state at once.

Peres also agreed wholeheartedly with Ben-Gurion about the Soviet Union. Both men had flirted with romantic notions about Bolshevism, but these dreams were quickly extinguished when Ben-Gurion returned from a trip to the Soviet Union. Ben-Gurion was horrified by the inherent anti-Semitism there, and the Soviet complete lack of human rights for all of its citizens. He explains that his mentor did not believe in the rabbinate and viewed it as an archaic hierarchical structure, but loved Judaism as a faith.

Ben-Gurion embraced the vision of the biblical prophets and saw the Hebrew language as a living reflection of his belief. He was born David Gruen in in Plonsk, a town in north central Poland. His father was an unofficial attorney who stopped wearing the traditional Jewish garb and instead chose to dress in a modern frock coat and winged collar, which other attorneys wore at that time.

His mother died in childbirth when he was barely 12; it was her eleventh pregnancy. By 14, he was studying Hebrew and convinced that Jews should one day have a territory of their own. The czarist regime made it difficult for him to gain acceptance into college for engineering, and, by , the year-old Ben-Gurion arrived in Jaffa with his first love, the daughter of a prominent Jewish scholar.